One of my grandfathers war papers
We only wanted to change society through the quiet and peaceful tool of candlelight, and those who eventually made that into a reality — no, the tens of millions of human beings who have dignity, simply through having been born into this world as lives, weak and unsullied — carry on opening the doors of cafes and teahouses and hospitals and schools every day, going forward together one step at a time for the sake of a future that surges up afresh every moment. Who will speak, to them, of any scenario other than peace?
the help essays education should not be compulsory argumentative
Great Britain has traditionally ignored the War of 1812 in favour of the more familiar Napoleonic Wars. Lately, however, British historians have turned their attention to their nation’s very successful naval blockade of the U.S. seaboard in 1813 and 1814 that pushed the U.S. federal government into financial collapse.
One reason, even in these extreme circumstances, South Koreans are struggling to maintain a careful calm and equilibrium is that we feel more concretely than the rest of the world the existence of North Korea, too. Because we naturally distinguish between dictatorships and those who suffer under them, we try to respond to circumstances holistically, going beyond the dichotomy of good and evil. For whose sake is war waged? This type of longstanding question is staring us straight in the face right now, as a vividly felt actuality.
Such a war, has left a deep intentaion on the American history.
The United States, on the other hand, views the war quite differently. Americans tell themselves tales of impressive naval victories against the mighty Royal Navy, the brave defense at Fort McHenry in 1814 (which gave rise to their national anthem) and their slaughter of the British at New Orleans in the final battle of the war.
The first reason for the eruption of World War I was militarism....
In researching my novel “Human Acts,” which deals with the 1980 Gwangju Uprising, when the military dictatorship turned to the armed forces to suppress student protests against martial law, I had to widen the field to include documents related not only to Gwangju but also to World War II, the Spanish Civil War, Bosnia and the massacres of Native Americans. Because what I ultimately wanted to focus on was not one particular time and place but the face of universal humanity that is revealed in the history of this world. I wanted to ask what it is that makes human beings harm others so brutally, and how we ought to understand those who never lose hold of their humanity in the face of violence. I wanted to grope toward a bridge spanning the yawning chasm between savagery and dignity. One of the many things I realized during my research is that in all wars and massacres there is a critical point at which human beings perceive certain other human beings as “subhuman” — because they have a different nationality, ethnicity, religion, ideology. This realization, too, came at the same time: The last line of defense by which human beings can remain human is the complete and true perception of another’s suffering, which wins out over all of these biases. And the fact that actual, practical volition and action, which goes beyond simple compassion for the suffering of others, is demanded of us at every moment.
Soon the war was filled with blimps, planes, and tethered balloons.
Canada sees the war as an American war of aggression, celebrating Brock’s victories, lauding the contribution of Tecumseh and his warriors and noting the efforts of brave residents in both official languages. Oh yes, and we also burnt the White House.
Newspapers in the Civil War 1861-1865: An Essay
All of which raises a problem for fair-minded armchair historians: how to get beyond the political iconography and nationalist spin to properly comprehend the war as a whole? And preferably without a reading list longer than the war itself. A welcome solution to this dilemma is the newly published The War of 1812: Conflict for a Continent by J.C.A. Stagg.